The upcoming State Elections in India have once again brought the Bahujan, Mandal, and Kamandal politics to the forefront. What exactly are Bahujan, Mandal, and Kamandal politics in India and what are their significance in the socio-political landscape of India? Read this to the end to learn more.
What is Bahujan Politics?
The term “Bahujan” is a Hindi word that simply means “the majority”. It connotes the combined population of backward classes, scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, Muslims, Sikhs, and religious minorities who if grouped together become a humongous demographic and numeric majority in India.
Under this notion of majority and minority, the Brahmins and Hindu upper castes become a tiny minority in terms of their overall population while Muslims become a part of the Bahujan majority of over 85-90% of all Indians.
Before Independence, Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar proposed the idea of unity of all Muslims, Backward and Depressed classes to counter what he termed the Brahmin-Bania dominated Indian National Congress.
However after the hasty partition of the subcontinent and departure of Muslim League to Pakistan, this plan became dead.
In the post-Ambedkar period, it was Kanshi Ram, the founder of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), who revived the idea of Bahujan-majoritarianism as a transformative political ideology and a tool of social justice to counter the virulent Hindu-Muslim communal politics propagated by a few Brahmanised Hindu upper castes.
While propagating this ideology, BSP was able to form government in Uttar Pradesh a few times, but due to disunity amongst Backward classes and Dalits, the Bahujan-Muslim movement could never become the giant it was envisaged to be.
What is Mandal Politics?
In political terminologies, the term “Mandal” stands for the politics of social justice, representation, and empowerment of Bahujans i.e. the vast majority of backward classes, scheduled castes, scheduled tribes, Muslims, and Sikhs who together make up the huge demographic majority in India.
It is derived from the surname of Shri Bindheshwari Prasad Mandal, the former Chief Minister of Bihar and an influential Bahujan backward class leader who chaired the 2nd backward class commission.
He recommended a 27% reservation for Backward Classes in government jobs and educational institutions.
According to the pre-Independence colonial census, the population of these backward classes was around 52% of all Indians.
However, as per recent statistics, Backward classes make up over 60% of Indians. Mandal Commission became a major political theme in India in the late 1990s.
Bahujan-Mandal Political Trends
Historically, Bahujan-backward classes have been electorally and politically more aligned to Muslims than to the Brahmanical and Hindu-Upper-Castes.
This political and electoral unity of Bahujans and Muslims enabled them to rise to political power in the many States of India which were otherwise dominated by a tiny minority of radical Hindu-Upper-Castes.
However according to social experts, rabid Hindu-Brahmanical groups often try to break apart this unity of Bahujan-Muslims under the garb of ethnocultural nationalism and religion-based majoritarianism.
They tend to exploit the social and cultural differences between Bahujan-Backwards and Muslims on one hand and amongst different Bahujan groups (like SCs and OBCs) on other hand using various diversionary tactics.
As noted Sociologist Prof. Harish S. Wankhede puts it, Brahmanised upper-caste elites “exploit the trust deficit between the Dalit-Bahujan groups and mobilize them on distinct cultural fronts”.
Further, the Brahmanical groups also exploit the Bahujan-backward association with Hindu-Brahmin rituals and traditions.
To overcome this problem, many Bahujan-backwards scholars including Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar encouraged en-masse conversion of backward and lower castes to other religions like Islam, Christianity and Buddhism. Dr. Ambedkar himself converted to Buddhism before his death.
Some Bahujan and Mandal-oriented political parties of India include Bahujan Samaj Party, Azad Samaj Party, Republican Party, Peace Party, Janata Dal-United, Rashtriya Janta Dal, Rashtriya Lok Dal, Samajwadi Party, Nationalist Congress Party, Shiromani Akali Dal, Hindustani Awami Morcha, etc.
Bahujan politics generally tend to glorify the backward, Muslim, and lower caste leaders and social reformers like Kabir, Guru Nanak, Guru Ravidas, Jyotiba Phule, Bhimrao Ambedkar, Periyar, Narayana Guru, etc.
Kanshiram, Mayawati, Chandrashekhar Azad, Swami Prasad Maurya, Akhilesh Yadav, Omprakash Rajbhar, Chaudhary Ajit Singh, Jitan Ram Manjhi, Tejashwi Yadav, Asaduddin Owasi, Jignesh Mewani, etc are some famous Bahujan politicians of India.
What is Kamandal Politics?
Literally, the word “Kamandal” means the mug used by Hindu-Brahmin saints and ascetics.
In political parlance, the word “Kamandal” informally connotes the Hindu-Upper-Caste dominated conservative Hindu-Brahmanical politics that stands for ethnocultural nationalism.
Kamandal Politics has been often accused of advancing the interests of minority upper-caste Hindus only under the garb of nationalism and Hindu-Brahmanic religion.
It should be noted that Hindu-Brahmanical politics do not use the word “Kamandal” to identify themselves as such.
Rather, it is a label used by political analysits, scholars and some Bahujan politicians to identify parties espousing the cause of Hindu-Brahmin cultural nationaism under whatever pretexts.
For instance, Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP), a leading “Kamandal” based poltical party claims to be committed to the “philosophy of Integral Humanism expressing basic commitment in Indian culture”.
According to BJP, philosophy of Integral Humanism looks at the individual not merely as a material object but one who has a spiritual dimension. Further, it means-
- Commitment to nationalism and national integration
- Commitment to Democracy
- Commitment to Gandhian Socialism (Gandhian approach to socio-economic issues leading to the establishment of a samaras samaj free from exploitation)
- Commitment to positive secularism (sarva dharma sambhava)
- Commitment to value-based politics
Contrary to Bahujan and Mandal ideologies, the Brahmanical and Kamandal politics generally tend to glorify Brahmin and upper caste rulers and icons of ancient India like Chanakya, Gupta empire, Maharana Pratap, etc.
They have also been accused of misappropriating some Bahujan personalities like Suheldev, Shivaji, Sardar Patel, etc., especially to further their Islamophobic agenda and to drive a wedge between Bahujan and Muslims as part of their divide and rule tactics.
According to Wankhede, Hindu-Brahmanical groups often invent new iconography and social history for different Bahujan-backward social groups aspiring for socio-cultural and material prestige.
And “such inventions are not only utilized to institutionalize the social ruptures between lower caste groups but also becomes a potent tool to propagate communal hatred against Muslims”, says Wankhede.
Some Brahmanical and Kamandal-oriented groups and political parties of India include RSS, Bharatiya Janata Party, Shiv Sena, Vishwa Hindu Parishad, etc.
Majoritarian versus Majoritarian Politics?
Both Bahujan (Mandal) and Brahmanical (Kamandal) politics are based on majoritarianism.
While the former is based on caste, tribe, and class-based majoritarianism, the latter is based on ethnocultural, religious, and nationalistic majoritarianism.
Bahujan and Mandal politics aim to counter the religion-based majoritarian politics of a few Brahmanical castes with a new class and caste-based majoritarian politics where instead of Muslims, the Hindu-upper castes are portrayed as a dominant and oppressive minority that disproportionately usurps the socio-political and economic rights of other Indians, namely Dalits-Muslims-tribals and backward classes.
In other words, Bahujan politics seeks to counter the Hindu versus Muslim debates of Hindu-upper-castes with a Bahujan versus Brahmanical narrative.
80:20 versus 85:15 Discourse
For instance, recently Swami Prasad Maurya an influential backward and Bahujan leader of Uttar Pradesh countered the incumbent UP Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath’s 80-20 remark with his 85-15 reference.
Recall that Adityanath, a dominant upper-caste Hindu had recently remarked that the election contest would be an “80 percent vs 20 percent’ fight” in a veiled reference to the Hindu and Muslim population.
However, Maurya countered and silenced the Yogi by invoking the “85% vs 15%” remark where the 85% has been interpreted as a reference to the population of the Bahujans i.e. Dalits-Backwards-Muslims in the state while Hindu-Upper-Castes constitute only 15% of the population.
Maurya said: “You are giving the slogan of 80 and 20 (percent), but I say it will now be between 15 and 85… 85 toh Hamara hai, 15 me bhi batwara hai (85% is ours and there is division even in the remaining 15%)” causing ripples in political circles of Uttar Pradesh.
Thus, the counter-cry of 85 versus 15 is the Bahujan way of challenging the 80 versus 20 discourse of Hindu-Brahmanists.
Ambedkarite and Bahujan-backward politicians accuse upper-caste Hindu-Brahmanists and Kamandal politicians of following a policy of divide and rule.
In the words of Swami Prasad Maurya, “they follow a policy of divide and rule. They want to make backward castes and Dalits fight each other by tearing them into two parts. But the response to their manipulations is the 85-15″.
Recently, RJD leader Lalu Prasad Yadav, another Bahujan-backward leader leveled similar allegations against Hindu-Brahmanical Kamandal Politics.
While talking to reporters over the Hijab-row in Karnataka, he said that there was so much to discuss, like employment and inflation, but the BJP was busy playing the politics of divide and rule.
Questioning the Politics of Patronization
Hindu-Brahmanists often try to woo Bahujan-backward communities by invoking mythical lower-caste leaders like Nishadraj Kevat and Shabri who served the so-called upper-caste divinities like Lord Ram.
Also, to stop the conversion of Bahujan-Backwards to other religions, Hindu Brahmanical groups also tend to highlight some good samaritans of Hindu-Brahmin mythology who dealt with lower castes kindly.
For instance, while inaugurating a giant 216-feet tall statue of Ramanujacharya, a Tamilian Brahmin scholar, Prime Minister Modi appealed to Indians to seek social reform within the fold of Hindu-Brahmanism and not away from it.
However, according to Wankhede, they craft such creative cultural strategies only to legitimize and perpetuate the domination of Brahmanical elites over political and public institutions of the country under the garb of Hindu social harmony.
Also, recent developments and statements from Bahujan-backward class leaders show that they have started rejecting the patronization politics of Hindu-Brahmanists.
And as Bahujan leader Om Prakash Rajbhar puts it pithily, Bahujan-backwards are no longer content with playing the Kevatraj or Shabari to an upper-caste Lord Ram on a saffron stage, but they want to write their own Epics.
All this shows that Bahujan-backward communities seem to have realized that they cannot attain equality of status within the cruel caste-based hierarchies of Hindu-Brahmanism, says noted journalist Seema Chishti.
In her words, “these are noises which no conch shell sounds can drown out. It will haunt whoever comes to power in March”.
“This could be a time when U.P. sees itself emerging into its own, with its own version of Dravidian modeling, finally being able to hardwire politics with a call for real social and economic change,” she adds further.
Also Read| Ramcharitmanas Controversy in UP and Bihar
Conclusion and Way Forward
In conclusion, the need for social and political parties to put aside their petty differences for the betterment of the nation has never been more pressing than in Amrit Kaal.
India is a vast and diverse country with a rich cultural heritage and a rapidly growing economy. However, it is also a country that is facing numerous challenges such as poverty, inequality, and political division.
For India to overcome these challenges and maintain its unity and integrity, it is essential that all political and social parties work together towards a common goal.
Setting aside petty differences and focusing on the larger picture of national welfare and development will not only help in ensuring the long-term stability and prosperity of the country, but will also set an example for other nations to follow.
It is time for all stakeholders to put aside their differences and work together for the greater good of India and its people.
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